Practices that foster a sense of meaning

Introduction

Sometimes, the world does not seem meaningful, coherent, or predictable, but instead appears erratic, inconsistent, and futile.  According to the meaning maintenance model (Heine et al., 2006; Proulx & Heine, 2006; Proulx & Heine, 2008), when their world or life seems unpredictable or haphazard rather than meaningful and coherent, individuals experience a sense of discomfort or dissonance.  To overcome these feelings, individuals seek meaning from other sources.  They may bias their attention to thoughts or memories that restore this sense of meaning.  For example,

• they might notice a pattern in events that otherwise seemed haphazard (Proulx & Heine, 2009),
• they might contemplate their most cherished relationships—a source of meaning in their lives (Van Tongeren et al., 2014), and so forth.

As Van Tongeren et al. (2014) revealed, after individuals experience this sense of meaning, they are more likely to exhibit humility.  Specifically, they are receptive to feedback or to information that challenges their preconceptions: the hallmark of humility.  Consequently, insights into the meaning maintenance model may enable individuals and organisations to foster humility. 

An illustration

To illustrate, in one study, conducted by Van Tongeren et al. (2014), 79 Christian university students were assigned to one of three conditions:

• First, some participants were invited to write about the most important facet of themselves—an exercise called self-affirmation.
• Second, some participants were invited to write about their three most important relationships, called relationship affirmation.
• Third, in the control condition, participants were invited to write about the activities they plan to complete next week.

These writing tasks lasted five to ten minutes.  Next, participants wrote about a core belief—a belief they would defend if challenged.  They were then told they would exchange these essays with another participant. In practice, this other participant was fictitious.  That is,

• the essay they supposedly received from the other participant was contrived and argued that religion was futile, illusory, and indeed detrimental,
• the comments they received, supposedly from another participant, were also contrived; this participant had apparently deemed their essay as illogical and inept,
• finally, the participants then evaluated the essay that indicated that religion was futile, illusory, and harmful.

The findings were interesting. Compared to participants in the control condition, participants who had written about their most important relationships were more likely to evaluate the essay they had received favourably.  That is, these participants were not as defensive, epitomising humility.  Participants who had written about the most important facet of themselves did not differ significantly from participants in the two other conditions.  In short, these findings indicate that, after individuals contemplate their most important relationships, they tended to exhibit greater humility. 

Other sources of meaning: Affirmation of moral beliefs

As this illustration reveals, if individuals can affirm or reinforce a sense of meaning—to diminish the degree to which the world seems unpredictable, inconsistent, or futile—they are more receptive to information or feedback that counters their preconceptions or preferences.  In essence, their humility increases.  Therefore, other practices, thoughts, or exercises that reinforce this sense of meaning should foster humility.  Researchers have indeed uncovered several practices or tendencies that may achieve this goal.

For example, to reinforce their sense of meaning, individuals strive to clarify their moral values.  That is, when people are granted an opportunity to resolve moral ambiguities and to clarify which behaviours they perceive as right and wrong, people will be more certain of which behaviours will be accepted or rejected.  The world may seem predictable and meaningful rather than incoherent or erratic.  

As evidence of this possibility, in one study, conducted by Randles et al. (2010), some of the participants were exposed to subliminal pairs of words that were unrelated to each other, like “turn frog” or “bull left”—an incongruence that often threatens a sense of meaning.  Next, these participants were asked to specify the amount of bail they feel should be set for a prostitute who had been arrested.  If participants had been exposed to incongruent pairs of words, they subsequently recommended a higher bail. That is, they become more inclined to perceive prostitution as immoral and thus penalise the perpetrator accordingly.

Presumably, after they were exposed to the incongruent pairs of words, individuals felt the need to reinforce their sense of meaning.  To achieve this goal, they attempted to resolve moral ambiguities.  A common moral belief is that relationships should be loving and loyal—a belief that is incompatible with prostitution.  Accordingly, to reinforce this moral belief about relationships, the participants were more inclined to denigrate prostitution.   

Other sources of meaning: Symbolic immortality and legacy

To reinforce their sense of meaning, individuals may also like to experience a sense of legacy or a feeling their accomplishments will persist after they die.  That is, when people consider their mortality, they may feel their life is futile or meaningless.  To overcome this feeling, people tend to consider how their life may be meaningful even after they die, called symbolic immortality.  They might imagine how some person or collective may benefit from their insights, art, products, or other artefacts after they perish.  They might visualise how their life may shape the world indefinitely. 

To illustrate, in a study that Van Tongeren and Green (2010) published, some participants were subliminally exposed to words that are synonymous with meaninglessness, such as pointless, random, and unimportant—intended to threaten their sense of meaning.  Other participants were not exposed to these words. Next, participants answered questions about whether their accomplishments will persist after they die, epitomising symbolic immortality. Relative to participants assigned to the control conditions, participants exposed to words that relate to meaningless were more likely to feel their accomplishments will persist after they die.

Other sources of meaning: Self-esteem

Finally, to reinforce their sense of meaning, individuals also tended to boost their self-esteem.  That is, after their sense of meaning is threatened, people tend to report a higher self-esteem (e.g., Van Tongeren & Green, 2010).  They perceive themselves as more worthy as well as feel capable and satisfied with themselves, as measured by the Rosenburg self-esteem scale.  

According to Heine et al. (2006), when individuals perceive their self-esteem as limited, they feel they may not conform to the expectations of society.  Consequently, they may be rejected from their community.  They will not receive the support and rewards they deserve.  Their world, therefore, will seem erratic, incoherent, and meaningless.  In contrast, if individuals perceive their self-esteem as elevated, they feel accepted and welcome by their society or community.  They are more likely to be supported and rewarded, reinforcing a sense of meaning.  In short, as research has revealed, people often depend on four sources of meaning (Heine et al., 2006; Van Tongeren & Green, 2010):

• the belief their relationships are supportive,
• the belief that societal expectations, such as moral beliefs, are unambiguous,
• the belief their achievements will persist after they die,
• the belief they are worthy—and thus likely to fulfill societal expectations.

When their sense of meaning is threatened, one or more of these beliefs may compensate.  Once individuals reinforce these beliefs, their sense of meaning is restored. 

Threats to meaning

As research has revealed, threats to meaning tend to evoke defensive reactions, at least until meaning is restored.  Consequently, if people are exposed to events that may threaten sense of meaning, their humility may diminish.   Researchers have explored the range of events that may threaten meaning.  For example, a sense of boredom may threaten meaning.  As evidence, when individuals feel bored, they are more inclined to derogate other communities, potentially to reinforce their sense of morality (van Tilburg & Igou, 2011).  Presumably, boredom implies the world seems futile rather than meaningful.

Rationale

For several reasons, when individuals experience a sense of belonging—like a feeling of affiliation with a group, team, or community—their life seems more meaningful.  To illustrate

• when people belong to an enduring group or community, they feel their contributions now are more likely to be valuable indefinitely into the future—enhancing the extent to which their efforts and contributions seem useful and thus meaningful,
• whenever individuals experience a sense of belonging, they become more sensitive to the motives and concerns of other people; their efforts, therefore, seem pertinent to more diverse goals and needs.

Illustration

To explore this argument, Lambert et al. (2013) examined whether a sense of belonging in particular, rather than merely pleasant social experiences in general, foster meaning in life.  In one study, to induce a sense of belonging, some participants were asked to describe two people or groups to whom they feel they belong.  To induce a sense of support from other people, some participants were asked to describe two people from whom they had received support.  Finally, to induce level of appreciation, some participants were asked to describe two people from whom they had received a compliment.  Finally, all participants indicated the degree to which they feel their life is meaningful now.  Sense of belonging was more likely than sense of support or appreciation to foster meaning in life. 

In another first study, participants answered questions that gauge a sense of belonging, such as “I feel like there are many people with whom I belong”, and meaning in life, such as “I understand my life’s meaning”.  A sense of belonging was positively associated with meaning in life.

Social exclusion

If a sense of belonging fosters meaning in life, social exclusion or rejection should diminish meaning in life—a hypothesis that many studies have confirmed.  In one paradigm, for example, participants complete a computer activity, called Cyberball. The individuals are informed, albeit incorrectly, they are completing an online task with other participants, tossing a graphical representation of a ball to each other.  In one condition, nobody tosses the ball to the participant.  These excluded participants experience a diminished sense of meaning in life (e.g., Zadro et al, 2004; see also Sommer et al. 2001).

Other manipulations of social exclusion also thwart a sense of meaning.  In one study, conducted by Stillman et al. (2009) for example, participants answered some interview questions.  Their answers were recorded on video.  This video was distributed to someone else, who was not in the room. To elicit a sense of social exclusion, some participants were then informed this person did not want to meet. This feedback subsequently decreased a sense of meaning, as measured by questions like “Right now, how meaningful does your life feel?”  Indeed, as a subsequent study revealed, social exclusion inversely related to four distinct needs that underpin a sense of meaning: purpose, efficacy, value, and self-worth.

Attachment style

Attachment style may affect the likelihood that individuals will experience a sense of belonging or exclusion and, therefore, may affect meaning in life.  Attachment style refers to the degree to which people trust they will receive support from significant individuals in their life—as well as the extent to which individuals feel they will be included rather than excluded.  Specifically,

• people who report an anxious attachment style tend to feel they will be rejected or excluded. 
• people who report an avoidant attachment style tend to feel that other people are unsupportive and, therefore, feel uneasy when they become too reliant on someone else,
• people who report a secure attachment style do not feel they will be rejected and also embrace intimacy.

As Bodner et al. (2014) showed, attachment style is associated with meaning in life.  Generally, people who reported a secure attachment style, relative to people with the other attachment styles, were more likely to perceive their life as meaningful.  Consequently, these individuals were not as inclined to feel compelled to seek or pursue a sense of meaning now.  In contrast, people who reported an anxious attachment felt more compelled to seek or pursue a sense of meaning. Nevertheless, age and gender moderated the association between attachment style and meaning in life.

Socio-moral climate of organisations

Organisations can also foster this sense of belonging and thus meaning.  As Schnell et al. (2013) showed, when organisations cultivate a strong socio-moral climate—in which staff care and support the wellbeing of one another, encourage collaboration, and candidly resolve conflicts—these individuals are more likely to experience a sense of meaning in work.  In this study, participants completed a measure of socio-moral climate.  This measure assessed the degree to which individuals confront social problems, show consistent appreciation, care and support of one another, encourage participative collaboration, and are responsible to enhance the wellbeing of other people.  A sample item is “In our company, we deal with conflicts and clashing interests frankly”.  In addition, a measure of meaning in work was administered, comprising items like “My work matches with my purpose of life” and “My work fulfills me”.

A socio-moral climate was positively associated with meaning in work, even after controlling self-efficacy, task significance, and alignment between personal interests and work activities (Schnell et al., 2013).  Presumably, when organisations demonstrate a strong socio-moral climate, staff feel embedded in a collaborative, supportive work environment, fostering a sense of belonging.  Consequently, these staff feel their activities are central to the needs of other people, fostering a sense of meaning.

The role of nostalgia

Because a sense of belonging and affiliation to other people can imbue life with meaning, emotions that instil this connectedness should foster meaning in life.  To illustrate, as Routledge et al. (2011) proposed and verified, when individuals reminisce about nostalgic episodes in their life, they feel a sense of connectedness to past people, pets, and objects.  Because of this sense of connectedness, these individuals perceive their actions as consequential and significant rather than meaningless and pointless.  They feel their life is embedded within an enduring network or narrative.

In one of the studies that Routledge et al. (2011) conducted, participants first recalled two of their favourite songs, or listened to two popular songs, and then indicated the extent to which they experienced nostalgia, felt loved, and perceive life as worth living after listening to these songs. If participants experienced nostalgia, they were more inclined to perceive life as worth living: a measure of meaning in life.  This association was mediated by the degree to which these participants felt loved, a manifestation of social connectedness.

In the second study, some participants identified some lyrics they felt evoked nostalgia.  Other participants represented a yoked control, in which they listened to the same lyrics, but had not specified these songs evoked nostalgia. Participants then completed scales that assess whether they perceive their life as meaningful and whether they feel socially connected. The measure of social connection included several subscales, such as whether they feel they can speak to people to guide their decisions, whether they can depend on anyone in an emergency, whether anyone admires their talents, and whether they derive a sense of security from anyone. Again, nostalgia was associated with a sense of meaning, and social connectedness mediated this relationship (Routledge et al., 2011).

The role of gratitude

Besides nostalgia, other emotional states, such as gratitude may also instil this sense of connectedness and foster meaning in life.  That is, when people recall occasions in which they should felt grateful, they perceive their social environment as more supportive.  They experience a sense of belonging rather than isolation.  As their sense of isolation diminishes, people feel their actions are more important to their community, translating to a sense of meaning. 

Kleiman et al. (2013) verified this possibility. In this study, participants completed a series of measure at two separate times, separated by a month or so, including a measure of gratitude, comprising items like “I am grateful to a wide variety of people”, and a scale that assesses meaning in life.  As hypothesised, gratitude at the first time was positively associated with meaning in life at the second time.

Counterfactual thinking about significant transitions in life

As research has revealed, some mental images, about past or possible events, can foster a sense of meaning.  For example, in one study, conducted by Kray et al. (2010), college students recalled the sequence of events that preceded their decision to attend their university.  Some, but not all, the participants were asked to describe how these events could have “turned out differently”.  Finally, these students answered questions to assess the extent to which they perceived this decision as meaningful and significant, such as “Coming to Northwestern has added meaning to my life”.  If participants had contemplated how life could have unfolded differently, called counterfactual thinking, they perceived their choice of university as more significant and meaningful.

In the second study, half the participants contemplated events that would have prevented the moment in which they met their closest friend.  The other participants, in the control group, recalled detailed of this meeting rather than counterfactual thoughts.  If participants had contemplated events they would have precluded their closest friendship, they perceived this relationship as more meaningful (Kray et al., 2010).

The third study explored why these counterfactual thoughts about significant transitions in life enhance the extent to which these transitions are perceived as meaningful. Specifically, after individuals contemplate how some episode might not have unfolded, they become more inclined to assume this event must have been fated.  This sense of destiny overrides the unpleasant assumption that life is random.  They feel that, of all the possible alternatives, the likelihood of this particular sequence of events is so improbable that fate must be responsible.  They feel this event thus aligns to their destiny or purpose.  Consistent with this proposition, participants who contemplated the consequences that would have unfolded had some transition in their lives never transpired were more like to ascribe this event to fate (Kray et al., 2010). The final study showed that, in addition to fate, counterfactual thoughts increase the likelihood that individuals will become aware of the benefits and advantages of some transition, also fostering a sense of meaning (Kray et al., 2010). 

Counterfactual thinking about organisations

Ersner-Hershfield et al. (2010) extended these findings, demonstrating that counterfactual thinking can instil a sense of attachment or commitment to organisations, communities, or nations.  In one study, for example, some participants were asked to consider the origin of their company as well as describe how the organisation might not have emerged had specific events not transpired.  Other participants were also asked to consider the origin of their company, but then merely describe these events in more detail rather than contemplate any counterfactual possibilities.  After these exercises, participants completed a series of measures:

• First, participants indicated the degree to which they felt committed to their organisation.
• Second, participants imagined how they would feel on their last day working for this company.  Researchers then calculated a measure of poignancy, equivalent to the minimum rating of happiness or sadness.
• Finally, these individuals predicted whether the trajectory of this organisation was positive or negative.

If participants considered how the organisation might not have emerged had specific events not transpired, they were more likely to feel committed to the organisation (Ersner-Hershfield et al., 2010).  Poignancy mediated this association between counterfactual thinking and commitment. When individuals experience this poignancy, they become more attuned to the desirable features of this organisation, enhancing commitment. Consistent with this interpretation, counterfactual reflection also increased the likelihood that participants felt the trajectory of their organisation was positive (Ersner-Hershfield et al., 2010).

Mental simulation

Besides counterfactual thinking, other mental images or memories can foster a sense of meaning about specific events, such as mental simulation: the capacity of individuals to imagine themselves in a setting that diverges from their immediate surroundings.  As Waytz et al., (2015) revealed, when individuals immerse themselves in these mental simulations, they tend to perceive their life as meaningful: that is, their life seems coherent, significant, and purposeful. 

To illustrate, the default brain network, the network that is activated when individuals are not absorbed in an activity, facilitates mind wandering and thus partly underpins mental simulation. The default network comprises three distinct systems.  First, the medial temporal lobe comprises the hippocampus, para-hippocampal cortex, retrosplenial cortex, and posterior intraparietal lobe.  The dorsomedial prefrontal cortex, lateral temporal cortex, and temporal-parietal junction represent the second system.  Finally, the posterior cingulate cortex and ventromedial prefrontal cortex represent the third system.  As Waytz et al. (2015) demonstrated, if individuals reported greater meaning in life, they demonstrated greater connectivity in the medial temporal lobe, potentially indicative of mental simulation.

In the second study, participants wrote about two events that will unfold up to 40 years in the future, two events that unfolded up to 40 years ago, or two events that unfolded today. Next, they completed a measure that assesses meaning in life.  Essays about either the past or future, rather than about the present, were more likely to foster meaning in life. As Study 3 showed, if participants wrote about the future or past in detail, rather than in merely a few words, they were especially likely to experience meaning in life.  As Study 4 revealed, people who wrote about another location in detail, rather than another location in a few words or the existing location, were more likely to experience meaning in life as well.

Study 5 explored why mental simulation enhances meaning in life.  In this study, participants were asked to indicate the degree to which the events they wrote about seem meaningful.  The degree to which these events seemed meaningful mediated the association between mental simulation and meaning in life.  Study 6 showed that merely asking people to imagine their day unfold in another location fostered meaning in life (Waytz et al., 2015). 

Several accounts can explain this effect of mental simulation of meaning.  For example, when people immerse themselves in mental simulations, they recognise how events at one time, such as the events they are envisaging, could be relevant to themselves or other people at another time. Hence, they appreciate how their existing activities and life could be consequential in the future.

Overview

Many therapeutic interventions have been developed specifically to foster a sense of meaning and purpose in life. Logotherapy, for example, proposed by Frankl (1959, 1963, 1975, 1986), is intended to help individuals appreciate their genuine purpose in life, divorced from social forces and obligations, to foster a sense of meaning. Frankl derived many of his insights from his experiences of the holocaust—and the perspectives he developed to survive. According to Frankl, in previous eras, tradition, religion, and other community practices conferred a sense of meaning in life, clarifying the direction and purpose of individuals. Because these traditions and practices have partly eroded, individuals must assume the responsibility to seek meaning themselves, to circumvent an existential vacuum.

Logotherapy entails several key principles (for more information, see Crumbaugh, 1980, 1981; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964; Crumbaugh et al., 1980; DuBois, 2007). First, life can always be imbued with meaning, even in miserable circumstances. Second, the primary motivation of humans is to derive meaning from life. Third, individuals can always seek and find meaning in their experiences and activities—especially if they feel unique and special.  According to Frankl, meaning can be derived from three sources:

• First, individuals can derive meaning from behaving virtuously and helping other people.
• Second, individuals can derive meaning from experiencing a key value, such as nature, art, and love.
• Third, individuals can derive meaning from suffering. In contrast, hedonism and materialism, for example, tend to distract individuals from this pursuit of meaning.

Logotherapy has been applied, often in combination with other modalities such as ACT, to treat many illnesses. Proponents of logotherapy have developed protocols to treat anxiety (e.g., Rogina, 2002), depression (e.g., Ungar, 2002), mood disorder because of medical conditions (Henrion, 2004), borderline personality (Rodrigues, 2004), drinking problems (Crumbaugh, 1980, 1981), relationship dysfunction (Winters, 2002), and PTSD (Southwick et al., 2006).

Proponents of logotherapy have developed, or least popularised, principles or techniques that can be embedded in other therapeutic approaches. For example, proponents of logotherapy introduced the notion of paradoxical intention, in which individuals often foster the very experiences they really want to shun, such as anxiety (see Ascher & Schotte, 2006; Fabry, 1982; Frankl, 1975; Yoder, 1994). According to Frankl, many individuals experience anxieties about a forthcoming event, such as a public speech. Therefore, they often form hyper-intentions—an intention to fulfill some unattainable goal, such as quash all signs of anxiety while speaking. This unattainable goal merely magnifies the anxiety and inflates the problem. A logo-therapist may recommend that participants deliberately attempt to amplify their symptoms, curbing this anticipatory anxiety.

In addition, proponents of logotherapy often apply Socratic dialogue to derive sources of meaning (Guttmann, 1996). That is, the therapist asks a series of questions to clients, intended to facilitate an exploration of their purposes, direction, mission, and values.  Next, the therapist poses questions that explore how the individuals can pursue these priorities. The questions also underscore the many choices that are available to pursue this meaning.

Activities designed to uncover sources of meaning

Besides paradoxical intention and Socratic dialogue, proponents of logotherapy practice a variety of other techniques, such as logo-analysis (Hutzell, 1983; Hutzell & Eggert, 1989) and the mountain range exercise (Ernzen, 1990). For example, while completing the movies exercise (Schulenberg, 2003), clients first construct the outline of a movie about their life thus far. Next, these individuals construct a movie about their life from now into the future.  Features of the movies are discussed, such as the genre, the likely actors, the title, the budget, the twist, and so forth. This discussion helps individuals contemplate their key experiences, the evolution of their identity over time, and their significant relationships, all intended to clarify personal meaning.

Similarly, while completing the family shoebox game (Lantz, 1993), a family, presented with a shoebox, tape, scissors, and magazines, attach magazine pictures to the shoebox, all intended to represent family values and meanings. The outside of this box, however, represents values and meanings of individuals outside this family. The inside of this box, in contrast, represents values and meanings of special significance to the family. This task is designed to facilitate communication about values and meaning.  The capacity of individuals to community and to understand these values purportedly help family members adopt shared meaning and direction.