Theories on the causes and evolution of narcissism

Introduction

The dynamic self-regulatory processing model of narcissism characterises the challenges and paradoxes that individuals who exhibit narcissism experience (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001).  Specifically, to overcome unpleasant emotions, such as anxiety, individuals who are susceptible to narcissism like to perceive themselves as superior—as high in status, rank, or even prestige.  They want to believe they are admired and respected.  This perception diminishes the extent to which they feel they will be vulnerable to adversities, such as punishment or derision.

Unfortunately, despite this attempt to perceive themselves as admired and respected, these individuals often experience circumstances or events that contradict this perception.  For example, their opinions may be dismissed or their work may be criticised.  Consequently, their perceptions of themselves—in which they feel they are superior and admired—are fragile.

Consequently, individuals who exhibit narcissism feel compelled to reinforce this perception of themselves as high in status, rank, and prestige.  That is, they experience the perennial goal to be admired and glorified but as rapidly as possible.  To fulfill this goal, they may, for example

• bias their memories, appraisals, and attention to their achievements—so they become more attuned to their accomplishments instead of their failures or challenges,
• derogate anyone who offers critical feedback, and so forth.

However, because they like to perceive themselves as high in status, rank, and prestige, they experience a challenging paradox.  Because of this perception, they tend to perceive other individuals as inferior.  They do not demonstrate respect towards these individuals but, instead, perceive other people as instruments to boost their status.  Accordingly, they may offend, hurt, or even infuriate other people.   These people, therefore, are unwilling to show respect towards narcissistic people.  The narcissistic individuals, hence, do not receive the very respect or admiration they desperately strive to seek.

To illustrate, because they want to be perceived as high in status, narcissistic individuals will often inflate their qualities.  They might, for instance, utter statements like “People look up to me”.  Yet, because of their contempt towards other people, they may overlook the perspective of these individuals.  For example, they might not recognise that other people do not respect immodesty.  Consequently, these narcissistic individuals do not attract the admiration they yearn.  In short, the attempt of individuals who exhibit narcissism to be admired may, paradoxically, preclude this admiration.

Introduction

Like the dynamic self-regulatory processing model of narcissism, the agency model of narcissism (Campbell, Brunell, & Finkel, 2006)—and the extended version of this theory (Campbell & Foster, 2007)—characterise the variety of strategies that narcissistic people apply to attract status, pride, and dominance.  This theory convincingly explains how the manner and experience of narcissistic individuals can transform from remarkable charisma to intense rage or discomfort within minutes.  

According to this extended agency model, individuals who experience or exhibit narcissism experience a profound motive to attract status and power.  That is, rather than cooperate with colleagues or be regarded as collaborative, these individuals would prefer to be perceived as high in status and granted the power to reach decisions. Because of this preference, they do not feel the need to accommodate other people.  Therefore, they direct their attention to possible opportunities in which they can attract status, admiration, and power, typically unconcerned with potential complications, such as who they may offend.

To pursue this status and power, these individuals explore, evaluate, and execute a range of strategies.  These strategies can be divided into two main clusters.  First, these individuals often attempt to inflate their achievements and contributions, enhancing their reputation.  For example, during conversations, they may underscore, and perhaps exaggerate, their accomplishments.  Similarly, they may accumulate many symbols that epitomise their status, such as premium brands or trophy partners.  Second, these individuals often attempt to bias their own perceptions of themselves.  They may, for instance, skew their attention or memory towards their most desirable features and trivialise other features, such as the skills they have not acquired or flaws in their appearance.    

To apply these strategies, these individuals have often acquired or developed a range of relevant skills.  For example, to underscore their accomplishments, these individuals will often develop confidence, charm, and charisma.

Importantly, many of these motives, strategies, and skills reinforce and amplify one another.  To illustrate,

• because these individuals prioritise status and power over closeness with colleagues, and thus are not too concerned about offending anyone else, they can orient their attention to opportunities rather than potential complications,
• because they orient their attention to opportunities rather than potential complications, they can seem confident and charismatic, enhancing their reputation, at least transiently,
• whenever these motives, skills, and strategies mutually reinforce each other, these individuals feel the pride that emanates from status and power—a positive emotion that reinforces these tendencies. 

However, because these motives, skills, and strategies amplify one another, they are especially vulnerable to challenges or criticisms.  For example, experiences that counteract and inhibit one motive and skill, such as criticism from someone they cherish, will inhibit all the other related motives, skills, and strategies.  Social confidence and inflated perceptions of themselves will thus plummet.       .

Whereas some theories, such as the extended agency model, characterise the range of motivations and skills that underpin narcissism, other theories attempt to unearth the core feature or origin of this personality trait.  According to one model, for example, narcissism can be conceptualised as an attempt to mask an underlying fragility (Kernis, 2003).

According to this model, narcissists should demonstrate a high explicit self-esteem, reminiscent of the mask. That is, individuals who are narcissism should indicate, in transparent measures of self-esteem, they perceive themselves as worthy and confident. However, narcissists should also demonstrate a low implicit self-esteem, reminiscent of their underlying fragility.  That is, more oblique procedures, such as the implicit association test, should reveal that narcissistic people associate themselves with unfavourable qualities, revealing an underling fragility. 

However, not all research has substantiated these hypotheses.  Admittedly, some research has shown that narcissism is associated with high explicit self-esteem but low implicit self-esteem.  That is, narcissistic people sometimes report a high self-esteem but demonstrate a low self-esteem in more subtle measures (e.g., Jordan et al., 2003; Zeigler-Hill, 2006).  Other research, however, including a meta-analysis (Bosson et al., 2008), did not corroborate this pattern (see also Mota et al., 2019 for conflicting results).

Hypervigilance and avoidance

To explain these mixed findings, Horvath and Morf (2009) proposed an insightful account.  According to these scholars, from the University of Bern, many of the hallmarks and characteristics of narcissistic individuals can be ascribed to hypervigilance, and then avoidance, of threatening information.  That is, after individuals feel their perception of themselves has been threatened—perhaps after they have been criticised—they are momentarily very sensitive to information that might indicate they are worthless.  They are hypervigilant or overly sensitive, responding swiftly to feedback or other information they perceive as threatening to their reputation or identity.  This hypervigilance and the swift responses enable narcissistic individuals to defend themselves in response to such threats—often manifesting as bouts of uncontrollable aggression. 

Yet, soon afterwards, narcissistic people become especially avoidant of information that might indicate they are worthless.  This response enables these individuals to maintain a veneer of confidence. Consequently, these individuals are unlikely to address their shortcomings because they dismiss feedback or other unpalatable information.

Because of this hypervigilance and then avoidance, the responses of narcissists might seem contradictory.  Soon after they are exposed to unpleasant reminders about themselves, they may initially experience hypervigilance and thus respond swiftly.  Moments later, these individuals may experience avoidance and respond more carefully.  Their responses to various tasks will seem unpredictable, frequently obscuring the differences between themselves and other individuals on a range of tasks.

Evidence of hypervigilance and avoidance

To substantiate this account, Horvath and Morf (2009) conducted a sequence of studies. In one study, participants completed a lexical decision task. That is, on each trial, the participants needed to decide whether a string of letters, such as “leipised”, was a word or not.  Some of these words related to worthlessness, such as useless.  Other words related to other negative or neutral characteristics.  However, on some trials, either 149 or 2000 ms earlier, a subliminal threat appeared.  In particular, participants were rapidly exposed to the word “failure”.  In addition, participants completed a measure that gauged their level of grandiose narcissism.  

Whenever the threat was presented 149 ms before the string, narcissistic individuals tended to recognise words that relate to worthlessness more rapidly than other participants, indicating hypervigilance.  In contrast, whenever this threat was presented 2000 ms before the string, narcissistic individuals tended to recognise words that relate to worthlessness more slowly than other participants, indicating avoidance.

More recent evidence

In a more recent study, Hardaker et al. (2021) attempted to replicate these findings at the University of Roehampton in London.  The researchers introduced a few amendments to the original study that Horvath and Morf (2009) had published.  First, in lieu of the word “failure”, the researchers presented the word “humiliation” subliminally, because this term seems more relevant to disapproval: the key concern of narcissists.   Second, and more importantly, this threat appeared either 149 ms or 235 ms before the trial—rather than 149 ms or 2000 ms.  This change was designed to ascertain whether the shift from hypervigilance to avoidance might proceed earlier than realised and may even be automatic.

The findings replicated the patter that Horvath and Morf (2009) had uncovered.  More interestingly, avoidance was revealed even when the subliminal threat was presented only 235 ms before the items, suggesting the avoidance is rapid and perhaps automatic.  This pattern was observed in grandiose narcissists but has not been replicated in vulnerable or other narcissists.ey will prevail in a contest.  When individuals experience vulnerable narcissism, they tend to perceive other people as dominant instead (Edershile & Wright, 2021).

Introduction

Hierometer theory offers some insight into the development and determinants of grandiose narcissism—and also characterises the conditions that differentiate the grandiose narcissism and vulnerable narcissism (Mahadevan, 2024).  This theory is predicated on the assumption that narcissistic people, whether grandiose or vulnerable, experience a profound need to maintain or to raise their status, rank, and prestige.  That is, status, although desirable to most people, is essential to narcissistic individuals.

Many studies attest to the premise that people who exhibit narcissism prioritise status over other needs and motives, such as the desire to belong (Zeigler‐Hill & Dehaghi, 2023).  To illustrate,

• narcissistic individuals often immerse themselves in daydreams and fantasies in which they experience unmitigated power or success (Cain et al., 2008; Pincus & Lukowitsky, 2010),  
• in contrast to other people, narcissistic individuals can more rapidly decide whether a string of letters is a word if this term is synonymous with a decline in status, such as humiliation (Hardaker et al., 2021).

Nevertheless, the strategies that narcissistic individuals apply to achieve this status depends on their self-esteem.  That is, according to heliometer theory, self-esteem is a cue that individuals utilise to ascertain whether they will prevail in contests or competitions.  If individuals experience a high self-esteem, they perceive themselves as high in status and, therefore, assume they will prevail in contests or competitions.  Accordingly, to raise their status,

• these individuals approach rather than shun contests or battles, called escalation or a hawk strategy,
• they may, for example, display aggression or demonstrate their prowess, capability, or wealth.

This strategy is risky but rewarding.  If they prevail, their status escalates appreciably. If they are defeated, their status may plummet.  This preoccupation with status, coupled with the inclination to compete, manifests as grandiose narcissism. 

Conversely, if individuals experience a low self-esteem, they perceive themselves as low in status.  Hence, these individuals, assume they are unlikely to prevail in contests or competitions.  Accordingly, to maintain their status, these individuals

• these individuals shun contests or deflect battles, called de-escalation or a dove strategy,
• they may, for example, retreat, submit, concede, or apologise.

This strategy is not as risky or rewarding.  If they successfully shun a contest or battle, they maintain, but do not raise, their status. If they cannot shun this contest and prevail, their status may diminish modestly.  This preoccupation with status, coupled with the inclination to shun competition, manifests as vulnerable narcissism. 

Many studies have uncovered results that cohere with this argument.  For instance, when individuals experience grandiose narcissism, they tend to perceive other people as submissive, indicative of the belief they will prevail in a contest.  When individuals experience vulnerable narcissism, they tend to perceive other people as dominant instead (Edershile & Wright, 2021).

Overview

Some theories revolve more around the settings that reinforce narcissistic behaviour.  For example, according to the contextual reinforcement model (Campbell & Campbell, 2009), narcissism evolves from a dynamic integration of rewards and punishments that gradually shape the behaviour of these individuals over time.   In short, narcissists are sensitive to the feedback in their surroundings, such as praise, admiration, and criticism.  In many workplaces or settings, leaders who display confidence and inflate their contributions—some of the hallmarks of grandiose narcissism—receive this praise and admiration.  Specifically, in settings in which individuals do not know each other well, called the emerging zone, this confidence and assurance is especially likely to be praised and valued.  For example, soon after a team is established, and thus individuals do not know each other well, narcissist leaders who inflate their qualities, achievements, and contributions are often admired.  Consequently, in this emerging zone, narcissistic behaviours are reinforced.    

Yet, over time, people tend to recognise that narcissists had inflated their contributions and perhaps undermined other individuals.  The grand visions and predictions of narcissistic leaders, for example, are seldom fulfilled.  Narcissists thus often experience rejection and other punitive feedback.  In settings in which people have developed ongoing relationships, called the enduring zone, this feedback is especially common.   

In response to this punitive feedback, narcissists may suppress some of these behaviours.  In these individuals, the level of narcissism these individuals demonstrate may fluctuate over time.  Alternatively, in response to this feedback, other narcissistic people may attempt to bolster their image and status even further, called self-enhancement, or blame other people and events.  Their narcissistic behaviour might thus vary but nevertheless escalate over time. 

As this theory implies, narcissistic leaders are often perceived as confident and assertive initially, sometimes attracting followers, but untrustworthy and uncooperative over time.  However, the impact of narcissism in leaders depends on the organisation.  In competitive environments, the confident and assertive behaviour of narcissistic leaders is sometimes valued and reinforced.  In more collaborative environments, the untrustworthy and uncooperative behaviour of these leaders is penalised. 

Evidence

Many studies attest to this contextual reinforcement theory.  For example, research corroborates the assumption that narcissists often thrive in emerging zones.  To illustrate,

• narcissistic people, when observed briefly, are perceived as more likeable than a typical individual (Oltmanns et al., 2004),
• narcissistic people tend to emerge as leaders in groups that have recently been formed (Brunell et al., 2008).

In contrast, narcissists are often disliked in the enduring zone.  For example, narcissistic individuals do not readily maintain close, committed relationships (Foster et al., 2006). es have uncovered results that cohere with this argument.  For instance, when individuals experience grandiose narcissism, they tend to perceive other people as submissive, indicative of the belief they will prevail in a contest.  When individuals experience vulnerable narcissism, they tend to perceive other people as dominant instead (Edershile & Wright, 2021).

A sample study

Some research indicates that narcissism as well as the other traits that are often perceived as undesirable— Machiavellianism and psychopathy—can, at least partly be ascribed, to distinct features of specific circuits in the brain.  To explore this possibility in detail, Bakiaj et al. (2025), utilised a dataset that stores brain imaging of many individuals, combining structural MRI, functional MRI, and diffusion-weighted imaging.  This database was utilised to recruit 214 German speakers.  These participants also completed an instrument, called the SD3, to measure the personality traits (Jones & Paulhus 2014). The SD3 comprises 27 items, 9 of which measure narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy respectively: 

• A typical item that gauges narcissism is “I know I am special because everyone tells me so”. 
• A sample item that assesses Machiavellianism is “Make sure your plans benefit you, not others”. 
• And a typical item that measures psychopathy is “People who mess with me always regret it”. 

To assess the brain images, the researchers utilised a technique, called transposed independent vector analysis, to fuse data from white matter and grey matter.  They also applied unsupervised machine learning to separate the brain into circuits and to generate coefficients that represent the concentration of grey matter and white matter in each circuit.  Finally, the researchers utilised backward stepwise regression to explore the association between the neural circuits and the personality traits.

This analysis uncovered some vital insights.  First, narcissism tended to coincide with a reduced concentration in a brain circuit that underpins a sense of reward—a circuit that connects the caudate and thalamus with the anterior cingulate and prefrontal regions.  Furthermore, narcissism was associated with diminished concentration in the grey matter of the right anterior insula—a region that is central to empathy.  To explain these findings, one possibility is that individuals who exhibit narcissism must seek immediate rewards to offset their deficits in the reward circuit.  However, because of deficits in the right anterior insula and thus limited empathy, they dismiss the needs of other people as they pursue these rewards.    

Second, Machiavellianism tended to coincide with increased concentration in a circuit that connects the angular gyrus, the precuneus, and the posterior cingulate cortex—a circuit that overlaps with the default mode network.  This network is activated when individuals are daydreaming or contemplating rather than acting or interacting with other objects or people.  This circuit may enable individuals who exhibit Machiavellianism to develop plans on how they will fulfill their goals.  Because the default mode network is seldom activated during social interactions, these individuals may tend to perceive other people as objects rather than sentient beings.  Consequently, Machiavellianism may coincide with the capacity to formulate plans in which they manipulate other people.

The results did not uncover significant associations between the neural circuits and psychopathy—potentially because of limited statistical power.  Other studies have uncovered deficits in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and the orbitofrontal cortex in people who exhibit psychopathy (e.g., De Oliveira-Souza et al. 2008; Rilling et al. 2007)—regions that are vital to setting goals, regulating impulses, and utilising emotions to guide decisions.  Furthermore, research has shown that grey matter may be deficient in the right superior temporal gyrus and the angular gyrus of these individuals (Müller et al., 2008).  Because these regions enable people to understand the mental states of other people, individuals who exhibit psychopathy may not be able to appreciate the needs and emotions of anyone else.